Corsica's history reveals a complex revolving door of takeovers - with exploitation and neglect the modus operandi of most colonisers - and attempts by its people to reclaim their autonomy and traditions. It's likely that it all started back in the Palaeolithic era (up to 12,000 BC), but the earliest signs of life on Corsica - the skeletal remains of Bonifacio woman - date back only to the early Neolithic era (6570 BC). The early days were a time of big stones - menhirs, dolmens, statuary, torri and nuraghi were all built by successive rounds of inhabitants. For a long time Corsica was just a port stop for the seafaring Mediterranean peoples, but it soon drew more interest. Its first real conquerers were the Romans; eventually Goths, Vandals, the Byzantine Empire, Moors and the papacy all stepped up to try their hand.
By the 10th century it was the nobility's turn to lord it over Corsica. Important seigniorial families created fiefdoms on the island and ruled them with a rod of iron (some historians date the predominance of so-called clans in Corsica from this time). The island, though not the people, then prospered under the bishop of Pisa, with the island's good fortune subsequently tempting the Genoese to get in on the action. The Genoese, like most of the Corsican's previous rulers, proved to be cruel taskmasters, carrying out thousands of summary executions and generally lining their own pockets at the expense of their Corsican workhorses. Despite Corsican attempts to overthrow their masters, the Italians ruled for five centuries, with the help of some canny fortification. It was during this time that olive and chestnut trees were cultivated with a view to turning Corsica into Genoa's larder.
The French first came into the picture in the 16th century, when Corsica became caught up in the power struggle between France and Italy. The French victory freed the island from Genoese rule; however, the change was shortlived and Corsica was ceded back to the Genoese under the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis. Some historians call the subsequent second period of Genoese rule the 'century of fire'. Further fortification took place, along with suppression of the islanders. Many Corsicans, sick of the poverty and exclusion from the management of their country's affairs, emigrated.
Between 1730 and 1750 the locals and their Genoese rulers battled for power, with the Genoese seeking the assistance, significantly, of France. In 1755, after the troubles had died down and France had once again left, a local called Pascal Paoli managed to unite the Corsicans and lead an insurrection against the Genoese. He gained enough power to cobble together a rough constitution, a unique act in an era of dynasties and absolutism. Genoa once again asked the French for assistance, and once again they came to the party. Four years later the Treaty of Versailles formalised the Genoese cession of Corsica to France, which quickly changed tack from mediator to ruler, defeating Paoli's supporters and taking full power in 1769.
As military rulers go, the French were not as brutal as the Genoese. They proclaimed a new set of laws, known as the Code Corse, and made efforts to develop agriculture. Following the French revolution Paoli returned to Corsica, but, in the style of things at the time, he was accused of counter-revolutionary behaviour. In response he declared Corsica's secession and asked Britain to help. They took charge for a mere two years and once again the French took over, with Corsica coming under the jurisdiction of its most famous son, Napoleon Bonaparte. Despite anti-French sentiment, Napoleon, paradoxically, ended up doing more to Gallicise the island than any other individual.
In the 19th and 20th centuries, except for a brief period leading up to and during WWII when Mussolini tried to persuade the Corsicans that they were really Italian, Corsica ceased to be a pawn in the strategies of other powers. Under Napoleon III's prosperous French Second Empire, Corsica received an infrastructure boost and many Corsicans took up job opportunities on the mainland. Significantly, Corsica played an integral role in the resistance during WWII, with the term 'maquis' (Corsica's indigenous scrub vegetation) being coined for the whole of the French resistance.
Corsica's latter-day difficulties date from the 1960s, when France came to be perceived as pursuing a colonialist policy on the island. In response, a Corsican movement for autonomy began to take shape. An early catalyst was the resettlement of Algerian refugees from the French defeat in Algeria on Corsica's eastern plain. Following the dumping of toxic waste off Bastia by an Italian multinational in 1976, the Front de Libération Nationale de la Corse (FLNC) was established. Talk of autonomy became talk of independence, and explosives became part of the equation. By the 1990s splinter groups had emerged and the factions warred against each other as savagely as they had against their perceived coloniser.
The French government reaction to separatists over time has swung from concessionism to repression and back again. The reopening of a university in Corte was one key response in the early 1980s. The creation of the Assemblée de Corse was another, providing more autonomous governance to Corsica. In 1983 the government shut down the FLNC, but this did little to stop the nationalist group. Today the quarrel between the two sides continues, over arenas as diverse as economic policy, environment and language. The tourism industry is a particular cause of friction, posited as both a possible economic salvation for the island and an enemy of the environment.
The French government is currently looking at granting Corsica unprecedented legislative autonomy. This Matignon Process (the Matignon being the seat of the French prime minister) has been extremely controversial. The process poses deep questions about France's future, with traditionalists arguing that if the concessions are granted, other regions with a strong sense of identity will inevitably claim the same privileges as Corsica. Despite all of this activity, it should be noted that separatists have maintained a strict hands-off policy with regard to tourists themselves.
In July 2003, Corsicans narrowly rejected a referendum linked to plans for decentralisation across France. As a result, Corsica's legacy of terrorism, violence and insularity looks set to continue.